Compromise Generation

Members of the adaptive Compromise Generation, which include some of our ancestors, were born between 1767 and 1791; the youngest of that generation left the world's stage about 1871.¹

The Compromise Generation (of the Artist archtype in the Revolutionary Saeculum, or Cycle) grew up (recalled Henry Clay) "rocked in the cradle of the Revolution" as they watched brave adults struggle and triumph. Compliantly coming of age, they offered a new erudition, expertise, and romantic sensibility to their heroic elders' Age of Improvement. As young adults, they became what historian Mathhew Crenson calls "the administrative founding fathers" and soldiered a Second War for Independence (the War of 1812) whose glory could never compare with the first. In midlife, they mentored populist movements, fretted over slavery and Indian removal, and presided over Great Compromises that reflected their irresolution. As elders, they feared that their "postheroic" mission had failed and that the United States might not outlive them.²

Parents of the Compromise Generation were either the last wave of the reactive Liberty Generation or the first wave of the civic-minded, heroic Republican Generation, who tended to nurture their children in an overprotective way. The Compromisers were overprotected and rather suffocated children during the great American Revolution Crisis (1773-1789) of the American colonies and states, which extended from the Boston Tea Party through the Declaration of Independence and ended with the ratification of the United States Constitution and the inauguration of President Washington. The children emulated their adults, making relatively few demands upon them. Most of these children grew up with little desire for early independence and adventure.³

"Rocked in the cradle of the Revolution" was how Henry Clay later described his childhood--a phrase that fits most of his young peers. First-wave Compromisers witnessed the worst of the mob and wartime violence during this frightening time. At age 12, Andrew Jackson (whose mother and two older brothers died during the war) was himself beaten and jailed by the British. At age 8, William Henry Harrison watched Benedict Arnold's redcoats use his father's cattle for target practice.⁴

Born in 1767, the eldest of the Compromisers (Andrew Jackson, John Quincy Adams) watched the Revolution as children and came of age when the military and political triumphs of the Republicans were already complete. Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun, Meriwether Lewis, William Clark, and Daniel Webster had all been protected and thankful children during the glorious years of nation-founding. "We can win no laurels in a war for independence," insisted Webster as a young man. "Earlier and worthier hands have gathered them all." Along with many other notables of their generation, these men were all fated to careers of secret turmoil and hidden frustration. Last-wave Compromisers grew up seeing less violence, but sensing comparable adult anxiety during the turmoil of the 1780s and the hysteria over the French Revolution during the early 1790s.⁵

The Compromiser children were elder-focused conformists; they toed the line, while protective midlife Liberty and buoyant rising-adult Republicans pulled in the boundaries of family life to maximum tightness. Parents urged boys and girls to emulate widening sex-role divisions. Hastily rewritten textbooks taught them to revere the mythic grandeur of their elder "Founding Fathers." Teachers strictly monitored their classrooms (and America's first Sunday schools) to prevent unruly behavior--and passed out black crepe for teenagers to wear when Washington died in 1799.⁶

Republican educators insisted that this first generation of "national children" be "molded" into serviceable and obedient patriots. It was not a good time for the young to draw attention to themselves. Attending disciplined colleges, the aspiring elite studied hard, worried about their "sober deportment," and looked forward to brighter times ahead.⁷

Compromiser girls enjoyed rising access to advanced education--beginning with the Philadelphia Academy, founded in 1787 by Republicans in order to produce "sensible, virtuous, sweet-tempered" wives and mothers. Among all biographical entries in Notable American Women, less than one-quarter of those born before 1770 had an advanced education, versus nearly two-thirds of all entries born by the 1780s.⁸

The risk-averse Compromisers' passage into adulthood was smooth and seamless. "We are indeed in the full tide of successful experiment," recalled John Randolph of the rising optimism--and conformism--of the Jefferson and Madison Presidencies. They were worried about going too far out on a limb. Randolph, the young House leader at the time of the Louisiana Purchase, blamed America's obsession with new territory on Republican leaders whom he emotionally denounced as "energy men." Randolph's elders, the Republicans, considered him deranged--as indeed he eventually became. But perhaps he was just nervous about the risky business of building an empire.⁹

Shunning risk, the young John Quincy Adams wrote of "our duty to maintain the peaceable and the silent" in an essay that won him an appointment as ambassador. Daniel Webster observed his college chums "balancing," easing unobserved into the adult world. Single men obeyed the law. After 1790, the youth-driven mob violence that had coursed through so much of colonial history since the 1730s suddenly abated.¹⁰

In 1804, Meriwether Lewis and William Clark set out with 44 young civil servants to inventory the vast territories acquired by their next-elders. They obeyed Republican President Jefferson's request to observe "with great pains and accuracy" and to "err on the side of safety." (Only one man died en route.)¹¹

Single women worried about being dismissed as "old maids" at age 25, yet understood (like Eliza Southgate) that "reputation undoubtedly is of great importance to all, but to a female 'tis everything--once lost 'tis forever lost."¹²

Even when defying authority, young Compromisers chose their rebellions with care. College teachers such as Lyman Beecher challenged secularism with earnestly respectful religious movements. Backwoods lawyers such as Clay and Jackson crossed the Appalachians in search of rowdy adventure, yet felt less like conquerors than mischievous "settlers" on Republican-designed land grids. Fledgling authors (both men and women) indulged in syrupy romanticism, teasing stolid midlife Republicans with deep feeling. The Compromisers came of age amid a floodtide of romantic literature. Between the American Revolution and the War of 1812, the number of "romantic novels" rose tenfold--as did the number of magazine articles stressing the "glorification of personal emotions" and the "idealization of the loved one."¹³

Courtships were awkwardly sentimental. Webster's biographer describes him as "better at writing poetry than making love"--but unlike their elders at like age, Compromisers expected emotion to resemble poetry. Men compensated fro their absence of catharsis by flamboyant gestures of dominance over women, slaves, and Indians--and by dueling. A few months after Clay and Randolph missed each other at a chivalric ten paces, Clay gushed (upon hearing of a friend's duel): "We live in an age of romance!"¹⁴

During the War of 1812, the average age of U.S. major generals fell form 60 to 36. Nearly all the military leaders disgraced early in the war were midlife Republicans; nearly all the leaders victorious late in the war were rising-adult Compromisers. The stunning victories of Andrew Jackson, Oliver Perry, and Stephen Decatur late in the War of 1812 culminated a pointless and blundering conflict declared by elder Republicans. The war ended in a stalemate--and, ironically, the greatest Compromiser-led victory (Andrew Jackson's at New Orleans) occurred two weeks after John Quincy Adams (then across the Atlantic) had concluded the treaty that ended the war.¹⁵

Compromisers knew that their destiny lay in dutiful expertise, not heroism. Despite rousing victories (such as Jackson's at New Orleans) and stirring words (such as Francis Scott Key's in The Star-Spangled Banner) during the War of 1812, these young men realized that this "Second War for Independence" hardly compared with the first. Where their elders had founded an "Empire of Liberty" and "stood" for office as citizen-statesmen, Compromisers talked of an "American System" and "ran" for office as political professionals.¹⁶

In the "Era of Good Feeling," the conformist rising-adult Compromisers (ages 22-43) humanized and stabilized the new institutions wrought by Promethean elders. Their political leaders (historian Matthew Crenson calls them the "administrative founding fathers") defended pluralism, due process, and two-party politics. Their professionals (Francis Cabot Lowell) methodized industry. Their artists (John Audubon) catalogued nature. Their writers (James Fenimore Cooper and Washington Irving) leavened American culture with "romantic" sensitivity. Their clerical elite, prodded by William Ellery Channing's Unitarian Church, was the first to suggest that "society itself" may be responsible for the ills of modern life.¹⁷

Republican elders appreciated the Compromisers' earnest sense of professionalism but resisted any attempt to substitute what historian John Ward calls the Jacksonian "power of the heart" for the Jeffersonian "power of the head." During the Compromisers' "log cabin" rising adulthood, the share of the American population living west of the Appalachians grew from 3 percent in 1790 to 28 percent in 1830. But while many sought fresh western soil, many also chose professional and commercial callings. "Let our age be the age of improvement," urged Daniel Webster, exulting in America's surging prosperity. In the 1790s, twentyish first-wave Compromisers had embarked on prosperous careers during America's first export boom. Around 1820, thirtyish late-wavers migrated to the Southwestern frontier, where they could make fortunes growing cotton, or joined the rage of canal building and cloth manufacture in the North.¹⁸

Yet even in an age of prosperity and easy affluence, Compromisers were afflicted with personal unease. Like William Wirt, they tried "to assume the exterior of composure and self-collectedness, whatever riot and confusion may be within." Perhaps this unease was behind the sad story of Meriwether Lewis. Soon after returning from his famous expedition for which President Jefferson had instructed him to "err on the side of safety," Lewis suffered from emotional depression and in 1809 died mysteriously--probably a suicide.¹⁹

The children of the Compromise Generation were the late-wave idealist Transcendental Generation and the early-wave nomadic, reactive Gilded Generation, who tended to be nurtured in an underprotective way. By the 1810s and early 1820s, Compromiser parents in their thirties and forties began to avoid having children, initiating a long-term decline in U.S. fertility that would later accelerate with the Transcendentals.²⁰

Thirtyish Compromiser women could not replay the young heroine role of their mothers; instead, they embraced the new romantic "cult of true womanhood"--emphasizing innocence, femininity, and domestic virtue.²¹

Sensitized young to the feelings of others, Compromisers matured into parents and leaders who sought to preserve their "reputation" and the approval of "public opinion." Henry Clay learned to patch theories together to get a "compromise" perspective. At worst, their other-directedness blinded them to simple choices. "The world is nothing but a contradance," worried Daniel Webster to a friend, "and everything volens, nolens, has a part in it." Yet at best, their irrepressible instinct for openness and honesty ennobled even their failures. No generation of Southerners ever felt so ill at ease with their "peculiar institution" of slavery; no generation of Northerners ever agonized so earnestly over the plight of the "noble savage."²²

As they matured, Compromisers felt a growing tension between duty and feeling, between the proper division of social labor and a subversive desire for personal fulfillment. They felt an ambivalence that they knew had never bothered their parents.²³

As for the learned and eloquent "Great Triumvirate" of Daniel Webster, Henry Clay, and John C. Calhoun, few Americans have ever groomed themselves so carefully for national leadership. Yet at critical moments they invariably stumbled; collectively, the Triumvirs were zero for twelve in runs for the Presidency.²⁴

The members of what historians sometimes call America's "post-heroic" or "second" generation searched in vain for an authentic sense of collective accomplishment. "We may boast of our civil and religious liberties," Lyman Beecher modestly observed, "but they are the fruits of other men's labors."²⁵

In 1834, Congressman Henry Wise explained why a Compromiser-led Congress refused to include a scene from Jackson's 1815 Battle of New Orleans victory in the Capitol rotunda: "I would be content to confine the subjects to a date prior to 1783."²⁶

Compromisers entered their unsettling midlife (ages 44-65) as indecisive arbitrator-leaders. They felt pulled in competing directions by more powerful generations on either side during the Transcendental Awakening (1822-1837) (also known as the "Second Great Awakening" or the era of "Romantic Evangelicalism" and "Transcendental Idealism"), which was conducted by their next-juniors, the Transcendentals. The youngest of the Compromisers reached adulthood just ahead of this new youth movements in religion and literature. The social upheaval of the "Age of Jackson" was fueled mainly by these hothead Transcendentals. Having spent their early years emulating their celebrated next-elders, Compromisers spent their later years trying to be pluralists, trying to please or calm their next-juniors. History records little that is distinctly theirs.²⁷

The Compromise Generation experienced a midlife crisis, an abrupt and liberating personality shift. They threw away some of their caution and began to speed up. Having turned their adaptive antennae from Republican elders to Transcendental juniors, and still believing (with Washington Irving) that "ours is a government of compromise," yet swayed by what Tocqueville termed "faith in public opinion," they tried to overcome their youthful caution by taking greater risks. Their first three Presidents--the effete Adams, the swaggering Jackson, and the calculating Van Buren--accurately reflect the fragmenting jigsaw of their "post-heroic" midlife personality.²⁸

After liberalizing marriage and child-custody laws in the late 1820s and 1830s, Compromisers entering midlife became the first American generation to divorce in significant numbers. As society raced toward urbanization and westward expansion, the American family drifted toward trouble, with rising divorce rates, budding feminism, and a disturbingly wild new batch of Gilded Generation children. Sarah Hale, who had written "Mary Had a Little Lamb" as a young widow, joined midlife peers like Lydia Sigourney and Emma Willard in denouncing men's "cruelty" to women, "to which every female heart must revolt."²⁹

During the 1820s, southern Compromisers founded dozens of antislavery societies, but their hopes for gradual emancipation were soon dashed by the polarizing rhetoric of rising Transcendentals. By the late 1830s, all these southern societies had been disbanded.³⁰

By then Compromiser leaders vied to outposture each other with youth-oriented rhetoric of populism and reform. Even the Whigs, hyping "log cabin and cider" and their Alamo martyr Davy Crockett, learned to spar with the Democrats at their own game. Public debate fixated on process and gesture, what the despairing James Fenimore Cooper called "petty personal wranglings" and "intellectual duellos."³¹

The Compromisers attained their peak share of Congressional seats and governorships in 1825, four years before the "Age of Jackson" began. In 1839, two years after Andrew Jackson had left the White House at age 69 (the oldest exiting President until Eisenhower), their share had fallen beneath that of the younger Transcendentals.³²

Young Transcendentals looked to Compromisers for flashes of crusading virtue they sensed was fading from the world. "Jackson's life," observes historian Michael Rogin, "gratified a softer generation living prosaic lives." But the young often found Compromiser eloquence more enervating than inspiring. "There are seasons," announced the fiftyish Channing, "when new depths seem to be broken up in the soul, when new wants are unfolded in multitudes, and a new and undefined good is thirsted for." Once Channing died, the thirtyish Transcendental firebrand William Garrison noted scornfully that "his nerves were delicately strung. The sound of a ram's horn was painfully distressing to him."³³

Compromisers were content to split the difference. They sought what President Jackson called "the middle course"--between two regions (North and South), two parties (Whig and Democrat), and two neighboring peer personalities (the Republican confident manliness and the Transcendental moral passion). Their confusion spilled over into self-conscious cruelty toward slaves and Indians, chronic ambivalence about economic and territorial expansion, and--late in life--paralyzing irresolution over the approaching collision between abolitionism and King Cotton.³⁴

The Compromisers were the first generation to invent a specialized vocabulary for politics, coining such words as lobby, logrolling, spoils, bunk, filibuster, and noncommittal (first coined to describe Martin Van Buren).³⁵

Compromisers lived in an awkward lifecycle. Outwardly, fortune blessed them: They were coddled in childhood, suffered little in war, came of age in quiet obedience, enjoyed a lifetime of rising prosperity, and managed to defer national crisis until most of them had died. But behind these outer blessings lay inner curses. Their birthyear boundaries reflect nonparticipation in the major events of their era.³⁶

The young Transcendental Ralph Waldo Emerson began assailing "the timid, imitative, and tame" Compromiser leadership; Transcendental Thaddeus Stevens came to scorn the Compromiser "mercenary, driveling" congressmen, eager "to conciliate Southern treason." As America entered the 1850s, remarks historian Samuel Eliot Morison, "there seemed nobody left to lead the nation but weak, two-faced trimmers and angry young men."³⁷

New England farms and Virginia plantations were big demographic losers during the Compromiser midlife years (the three prosperous decades 1820-1850) of the Compromise Generation. The share of the American workforce engaged in agriculture fell from 79 to 55 percent--the most rapid decline in American history.³⁸

Compromisers entered their sensitive elderhood (ages 66-87) just before and during the Civil War. They continued to maintain a little bit of influence, but they did not enjoy a great deal of respect. They lived reasonably comfortably. Household tax data from 1850 suggests that Compromisers, in their sixties and seventies, were wealthier relative to young adults than any other elder generation over four centuries of American history.³⁹

As they struggled to remain accommodating, their leaders shied away from the venerable titles once accorded to old Republicans. They preferred chummier nicknames: "Old Hickory" (Andrew Jackson), "Old Fuss and Feathers" (Winfield Scott), "Old Rough and Ready" (Zachary Taylor), "Old Prince" (Henry Clay), and "Old Man Eloquent" (John Quincy Adams).⁴⁰

In spite of the comfort they enjoyed, however, there was still an inner struggle. The elder William Clark, who as a young man had shared leadership with Meriwether Lewis in the great exploration across the continent, and who for 30 years thereafter had been a kindly Indian Commissioner for the western territories, later regretted his complicity in the Jacksonian policy of Indian removal that had led to the 1838 Cherokee "Trail of Tears." Torn between the congealing fanaticism of the young and guilty memories of Republican discipline, Compromisers entered elderhood watching America drift toward painful outcomes: not just Indian removal, but also lawless frontiers, anti-immigrant riots, slave chases, and sectional hatred.⁴¹

Entering the White House in March of 1849, Zachary Taylor promised "to adopt such measures of conciliation as would harmonize conflicting interests." On his deathbed a year later, he confessed, "God knows I have tried to do my honest duty. But I have made mistakes."⁴²

Sensing tragedy approach, Compromisers feared the final judgment of history. Henry Clay had earlier despaired how his generation might "ignobly die" with "the scorn and contempt of mankind; unpitied, unwept, and unmourned."⁴³

"Life itself is but a compromise," Clay, the "Great Compromiser" himself, now observed at the age of 73, as he proposed the last of his famous balancing acts. "All legislation, all government, all society is formed upon the principle of mutual concession, politeness, comity, and courtesy." Clay's generation had presided over America during the three decades that span the Missouri Compromise of 1820, the Compromise Tariff of 1833, and now the Great Compromise of 1850, their last chance to mediate rising Transcendental passions. Every step of the way, an odd mixture of outer calm and emotional turmoil had plagued them. The Compromise of 1850 earned them (Daniel Webster especially) precisely what Clay had feared: the "scorn and contempt" of their next-juniors.⁴⁴

Later on, seventyish "Old Buck" Buchannan, John Crittenden, and Roger Taney persisted in fruitless efforts to defer or to ignore the rush to war. "Say to the seceded states: 'Wayward sisters, depart in peace,'" wrote the white-haired General Winfield Scott to younger leaders who no longer cared for the advice of 1812 war heroes. Dying on the eve of crisis, Philip Hone voiced his "anxious thoughts" about how "time unhallowed, unimproved . . . presents a fearful void." A few years later, the dying Buchannan blamed the Civil War on both "the fanatics of the North" and "the fanatics of the South." Like Hone and Buchannan, most Compromisers died lamenting both sides, just as they had lived trying to accommodate both sides.⁴⁵

Compromiser eulogies were full of mixed phrasing. One scholar said of Webster: "With all the greatness and smallness, with all the praise and blame . . ."⁴⁶

Ever since, historians have been unable to decide whether Jackson was a force for pettiness or progress, or whether the Clay-Webster-Calhoun "Great Triumvirate" moderated or worsened the ultimate ferocity of the Civil War. Behind so many of this generation's favorite schemes--transporting Indians, recolonizing Africa, granting sovereignty to territories--was a faith in fair play and pluralism.⁴⁷

Unlike their next-elders, Compromisers realized that the bond of social discipline could no longer hold the pieces together; unlike their next-juniors, they refrained from forcing their own judgments on others.

From the perspective of subsequent events, their choices can easily be criticized. But we often forget how few alternatives were open to them--given their own instinctive caution as well as the zeal and lawlessness of younger Americans. Some choices may have averted worse outcomes: Had Compromiser leaders not compelled the eastern Indians to migrate west, even their humanitarian peers conceded that the tribes would soon have been wiped out by land-hungry whites. Other choices may have come closer to success than we realize: Until youth anger and rabid sectionalism broke out in the 1830s, Compromiser plans for the gradual abolition of slavery seemed perfectly feasible. (Similar plans had worked earlier in several Northern states and were being seriously discussed in Virginia.)

Such is the painful, might-have-been legacy of a kind but confused generation sandwiched between two others of extraordinary power. The Compromisers inherited grandeur and tried to perfect it by adding humor, sensitivity, expertise, and fairness. They passed away fearing they had failed to preserve, much less perfect, the achievements of their forefathers.

No American generation ever had a sadder departure.

Birthyears for the Compromise Generation
(Linked names are ancestors of ours;
linked "G-" numbers refer to the family generations of those ancestors.)

• 1767:
  Andrew Jackson, John Quincy Adams, Andreas Hofer, Joachim Murat, Gideon Granger, August Wilhelm von Schlegel, Jean Baptiste Isabey, Denmark Vesey, Benjamin Wilson II (G9)
• 1768:
  Smith Thompson, François de Chateaubriand, Zacharias Werner, Friedrich Schleiermacher, Joseph Anton Koch, Jean Baptiste Fourier, Tecumseh, Dolley Madison
• 1769:
  Arthur Wellesley (Duke of Wellington), Napoleon Bonaparte, Nicolas Soult, De Witt Clinton, Michel Ney, Ernst Moritz Arndt, Thomas Lawrence, Bonifacio Asioli, Joseph Elsner, G. L. Cuvier, Alexander von Humboldt
• 1770:
  Mahlon Dickerson, Friedrich Hölderlin, William Wordsworth, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, François Gérard, Bertel Thorvaldsen, Ludwig van Beethoven
• 1771:
  Walter Scott, Charles Brockden Brown, Robert Owen, Sydney Smith, Mary Gilson (G9)
• 1772:
  William H. Crawford, Caesar A. Rodney, William Wirt, Samuel Taylor Coleridge, Friedrich von Schlegel
• 1773:
  Prince Klemens von Metternich, William Henry Harrison, Peter B. Porter, Ludwig Tieck, John Randolph of Roanoke
• 1774:
  Daniel P. Tompkins, Robert Southey, Caspar David Friedrich, Meriwether Lewis, Joshua Phelps II (G9)
• 1775:
  James Barbour, Lucien Bonaparte, Jane Austen, Charles Lamb, Anselm Feuerbach, J. M. W. Turner, François-Adrien Boieldieu, André Ampère, Francis Cabot Lowell
• 1776:
  Louise of Preußen, E. T. A. Hoffman, John Constable
• 1777:
  Tsar Alexander I, Friedrich de la Motte-Fouqué, Heinrich von Kleist, Henry Hallam, Roger B. Taney, Christian Daniel Rauch, Philipp Otto Runge, Karl Gauss, Julie ("Mme.") Récamier, Henry Clay
• 1778:
  Henry Peter Brougham, Clemens Brentano, Ugo Foscolo, William Hazlitt, James Kirke Paulding, Humphrey Davy
• 1779:
  Stephen Decatur, Thomas Moore, Adam Gottlieb Oehlenschläger, Friedrich Karl von Savigny, Jöns Jakob Berzalius, Joel R. Poinsett
• 1780:
  John Forsyth, John Wilson Croker, J. A. D. Ingres, Richard Rush, William Ellery Channing
• 1781:
  Adelbert von Chamisso, Karl Friedrich Schinkel, George Stephenson
• 1782:
  John C. Calhoun, Lewis Cass, John Branch, H. F. R. de Lamennais, Friedrich Fröbel, Daniel Auber, John Field, Nicolò Paganini, Martin Van Buren, Daniel Webster
• 1783:
  Simón Bolívar, Washington Irving, Stendhal (Marie Henri Beyle), Peter von Cornelius
• 1784:
  Lord Palmerston, Ludwig Devrient, Leo von Klenze, Louis Spohr, Zachary Taylor
• 1785:
  John McLean, Oliver Hazard Perry, Thomas de Quincey, Jakob Grimm, Alessandro Manzoni, Thomas Love Peacock, David Wilkie, John Audubon, Nancy Fisk (G8)
• 1786:
  Ludwig I, Nicholas Biddle, Louis McLane, Ludwig Börne, Wilhelm Grimm, B. R. Haydon, Carl Maria von Weber, John Franklin, Davy Crockett, Winfield Scott
• 1787:
  Samuel L. Southard, John J.Crittenden, John S. Miles, Edmund Kean Jr., Mary Russell Mitford, Emma Willard, Abraham Stickney IV (G8)
• 1788:
  Lord Byron, Friedrich Rückert, Josef von Eichendorff, Arthur Schopenhauer, John C. Spencer, Sarah Hale, Daniel M. Wilson (G8)
• 1789:
  Levi Woodbury, Amos Kendall, Thomas Ewing, James Fenimore Cooper, Johann Friedrich Overbeck, Friedrich Silcher, Friedrich List, Louis Daguerre, Mary Beard (G8)
• 1790:
  Alphonse de Lamartine, Théodore Géricault, John Tyler, Esther Burrill (G8), Ephraim Mansfield (G8)
• 1791:
  Franz Grillparzer, Theodor Körner, Eugène Scribe, Michael Faraday, Carl Czerny, Giacomo Meyerbeer, Samuel F. B. Morse, James Buchanan, Lott Edmands (G8)

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